One of the previous century’s most controversial and polarising personalities in international politics, Henry A. Kissinger, celebrates his 100th birthday on May 27th. As the USA’s National Security Advisor and Secretary of State, he shaped US policies in many regions of the world between 1969 and 1977. To those unfamiliar with his commitment to Realpolitik theories, his decisions seemed to carry a bewildering mix of the Good, the Bad and the Ugly (to borrow the name of a popular film).
He was among those who pioneered the policy of detente with the Soviet Union and also orchestrated the improvement of relations between the US and China. In diplomacy and negotiating, he was hard to beat. Among his other successes were the end of the Yom Kippur War between Israel and a coalition of Arab states, and the Paris Peace Accords to bring peace to Vietnam. But on the other hand, he was also associated with the controversial U.S. bombardment of Cambodia during the Vietnam War.
In India, he was viewed with profound dislike. In declassified documents of the US government, it was revealed that his boss President Nixon referred to the Indian Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi as a bitch and Kissinger termed Indian people bastards. It speaks volumes about Mrs Gandhi’s guts and determination that she could be a painful thorn in the side of these two powerful movers and shakers of international politics.
But the Nixon-Kissinger duo underestimated the intelligence and decision-making ability of Mrs Gandhi in 1971 when they decided to support Pakistan against East Pakistan (later known as Bangladesh which was fighting for independence.)
The American aircraft carrier USS Enterprise entered the Bay of Bengal with instructions to target Indian army facilities. Three battalions of US Marines were on standby to aid Pakistan troops on the ground. But Mrs. Gandhi refused to bow down to the might of the USA.
Declassified documents gave further proof of the bold leadership that the Indian Prime Minister displayed. The role she and the Indian army officers played in the liberation of Bangladesh is now hailed as an exemplary deed of bravery.
But despite the fact that the Pakistan army was carrying out genocide in East Pakistan / Bangladesh why did the Nixon administration choose to support the perpetrators?
Their decision has been attributed to several factors. The major one is the Cold War dynamics between the USA and the USSR. Kissinger saw Pakistan as an ally of the United States, while India had close ties with the Soviet Union. Kissinger felt that maintaining a strong relationship with Pakistan was crucial for restricting Soviet influence in the region.
Then there were geopolitical considerations. Pakistan provided access to U.S. military operations in the region. During the Vietnam War, Pakistan served as a supply route for the U.S. military, facilitating the transportation of personnel and equipment. Moreover, Kissinger was known for his realpolitik approach, which prioritized strategic calculations over humanitarian concerns. He viewed supporting Pakistan as necessary for preserving U.S. influence in the region.
Furthermore, Kissinger was wary of India’s influence in South Asia. He felt that supporting Bangladesh’s independence may strengthen India. However, despite all his maneuvering, Kissinger’s stance during the Bangladesh liberation movement was widely criticized even by allies of the USA.
President Nixon and Henry Kissinger shared a good rapport. Kissinger provided the smooth and suave side to the Nixon administration’s dealings. Often the State Department was relegated to a subsidiary role in formulating foreign policy. Kissinger and Nixon shared a penchant for secrecy and conducted numerous “backchannel” negotiations.
Kissinger provided the graceful respectability that Nixon lacked but wanted. Kissinger had a worldview and vast knowledge. Nixon was pragmatic and assertive. But they shared the common trait of being calculating and extremely ambitious. They had their weak points but they were masters at covering up.
However, there is a saying that even the devil must be given his due. To be fair to him, Kissinger has a sharp mind, and his understanding of US policies worldwide cannot be taken lightly. His latest articles in The Economist indicate that his mind is still hard at work, observing and analysing world affairs very precisely.
On his 100th birthday, it is likely that many world leaders will wish Kissinger a very happy birthday. But how many of these wishes will be only for diplomatic formality and how many will be heartfelt wishes will never be known.
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