The transfer of Rs 10,000 to (till now) 1.21 crore women by the Nitish Kumar government for starting small businesses is being interpreted by his supporters as another step in the direction of empowering them. They link it with the policy of distributing bicycles and school uniforms to girls, paying scholarships to them, and several other such initiatives taken in the last two decades. But independent critics like former Union finance secretary Subhash Chandra Garg, see it as ‘bribe’ about 50% of the population just ahead of the election.
Anyway, it is high time to objectively analyze the success or failure of the 20 years of Nitish government’s policy regarding women. Has it really achieved anything substantial, or are women feeling left behind when compared to their sisters elsewhere in India? Is it that the media have been thoughtlessly giving more credit to the NDA government than it deserves?
Even a layman can ask: If Nitish Kumar is so popular among women, why his party, Janata Dal (United) struggled to win only 43 out of 115 seats it contested in 2020 and 71 out of 101 in 2015 Assembly elections. Its alliance partners, the BJP bagged 74 out of 110 seats in which it fielded its candidates last time and RJD walked away with 80 out of 101 seats in 2015. Women’s votes alone should have demolished the challenge posed by the Lok Janshakti Party to JD (U) in the 2020 Assembly election. But that never happened.
Table of contents
Media created myth
Similarly, when six per cent more women, who make half of the population, are turning up to booths than men—largely due to their huge migration—why is it that JD (U)’s performance has been miserable in the last two Assembly elections, especially in 2020? The truth is that big women support for Nitish is largely a media created myth. With the help of a handful of psephologists and part-time researchers a baseless narrative has been set by the electronic channels and to some extent by the print media that an overwhelming number of women vote for Janata Dal (United).
Besides, what needs to be explained is the fact that huge women turnout is not a post-2005 phenomenon as is being falsely made out by many opinion-makers. In Assembly election the practice actually started in 1995 when the then Chief Election Commissioner T N Seshan, in a bid to tone up the whole poll process, with the help of central para-military forces tried to stop all the unfair means like booth-grabbing and intimidating voters. This move prompted a large turn out of Dalits, tribals, backward castes, and women. The then chief minister Lalu Prasad, maybe by default, was the main beneficiary as his party and alliance partners walked away with 200-odd seats in the House of 324 in the then United Bihar.
Earlier, the feudal forces would indulge in all sorts of crimes and deny the downtrodden and weaker sections and women the right to adult franchise. The massacre of dozens of supporters of the Indian Peoples Front (CPI ML Liberation contested under this name because it was then banned) during the 1989 Lok Sabha election in Ara and of the Communist Party of India in Jehanabad during 1984 parliamentary election were just two examples. The late Seshan would often boast how successful he was in holding free and fair elections in Bihar for the first time in history. Lalu too, was thankful for his 1995 achievement.
Nitish Era (2005-2025)
Now, come to the Nitish era, especially after 2010. What has never been taken into account is the fact that a substantial chunk of women was extremely upset with New Excise Policy introduced on July 1, 2007 as it encouraged free-flow of liquor. Over the years many women outfits took to streets against it as the rampant alcoholism which followed gave a big spurt to domestic violence—both physical and sexual—by drunken close male family members of women. Such crimes were hushed up within the four walls of the house, and no FIR would be lodged.
In the Assembly election held in 2010 the emergence of booze culture could not become an issue as the government was rewarded because of some good works initiated by it. Thanks to the media, the NDA government in the state then took credit for the implementation of Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, National Highway projects, and MNREGA of the central government.
Women activists like Neelu, Padma Shri Sister Sudha Verghese, Kanchan Bala and others. were among those who raised voice against the Nitish government policy of opening liquor shops in every village as well as its invitation to foreign brand of alcohol manufacturing firms.
Protest by Jeevika Didis
This policy of the government gradually cancelled out the impact of some positive steps initiated by it. The climax reached when hundreds of members of self-help groups, Jeevika Didis, gheraoed Nitish Kumar in a government function in Patna on July 9, 2015 compelling him to announce the imposition of a ban on liquor as his policy was wreaking havoc in the society. Not to speak of men, even women had been becoming addicted to alcohol, it was argued. Thus, the Nitish government took a U-turn and on April 1, 2016 Bihar became a totally dry state.
Ironically, the bad performance of JD (U) in 2020 election confirms that women did not reward him for imposing prohibition in 2016 as they still feel that it has not been implemented properly. The frequent incidents of hooch tragedies confirm the fact that those close to power that be are still engaged in this illegal business. In the initial days of the ban in 2016, women would themselves catch hold of drunken men, even if they were relatives, and hand them over to the police.
Curiously, a significant section of media strongly opposed prohibition, but never highlighted the hardship poor women had to face between July 1, 2007 and April 1, 2016. A multi-crore Liquor Scam which rocked the state in 2010 was silently buried. The media remained tight-lipped.
Rise in representation
No doubt, the percentage of women in government jobs has certainly increased and so have their presence at the grassroots level of democracy. This was largely due to the introduction by the Nitish government of 35% reservation for them in jobs and earlier 50% in urban and rural local bodies. But mere rise in numbers does not amount to empowerment. The irony is that the same Janata Dal (United) and Bharatiya Janata Party have given tickets to only 13 women though both the parties are contesting 101 seats each. In successive Lok Sabha and Assembly elections they have been giving poor representation to fair gender.
In contrast, the Rashtriya Janata Dal has fielded 24 female candidates out of 143 it is contesting. Thus, it has given tickets to 16.5% women against just under 13% by JD (U) and BJP each.
These figures expose the tall claim of politically empowering women. The mukhiyas, pramukhs, ward members, etc. do not enjoy the power to legislate law as MLAs and MPs do. So, by denying them due representation in the Assembly and Parliament the JD (U) and BJP have not been doing any service to women.
What is ironical is that since November 2005, when Nitish came to power, very few woman-mukhiyas, ward members, and even mayors have grown powerful. Notwithstanding tall claims by the government, the fact is that an overwhelming number of Mukhiya Pati (Husband of Mukhiya) and Sarpanch Pati (Husband of Sarpanch) call the shots. In a few instances sons do all the works on behalf of their mothers, who just put their signature or maybe even put their thumb impression. The presence of such a large number of ignorant women at the grassroots level of democracy has opened a floodgate of corruption for which their male family members are more responsible. In such a situation holding the main culprit responsible is not an easy job.
Teachers’ appointment
Immediately after coming to power in 2005 Nitish Kumar recruited thousands of para-teachers on contract basis. They would get a paltry sum of Rs 5000 per month. A huge number of them were female. They were inducted without any written test or interview. A sizable number of them were not even able to spell words like January or February not even in English, but in Hindi.
However, when Nitish joined hands with Tejashwi Prasad Yadav led RJD in August 2022, a new pattern was adopted to appoint full-fledged teachers. Needless to mention, the policy of 35% quota for women was followed.
What is strange is that about 25% to 30% of those who succeeded in getting jobs were women from other states, such as Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Delhi, and even Kerala.
Woman candidates from outside would have done even better had their numbers appearing in tests been higher. As tests were held in Bihar, not many of them could travel such a long distance to appear in them.
The state government suddenly woke up a couple of months ago following demand from Tejashwi to introduce domicile policy. The male candidates from Bihar felt let down as they felt cheated by 35% reservation policy which benefited thousands of women from outside and, in the process denied chance to genuine men candidates from Bihar.
When I asked one of the officials as to why the female candidates of Bihar fared so badly notwithstanding the tall claim of the government of distributing bicycles, uniforms, scholarships etc. to them he replied: “Training colleges, especially private ones, teach nothing to students. They are just money-minting shops run by those close to power. Even the standard in neighbouring Uttar Pradesh is relatively better.”
So, the champions of women empowerment sitting in studios and news-rooms should stop propagating falsehood and see things in proper perspective.
| 
